9
must be expensed to the committee’s federal account. In fact,
the FEC would require the committee to use hard money for a
leaflet that says “both Democrats and Republicans” endorse
the initiative. Such a leaflet is not “generic party advertising,”
McConnell, 540 U.S. at 123; it is an ad for a state ballot
initiative, not a political party, and it defies reason to say
otherwise.7 FECA does not require this absurdity.
The court says EMILY’s List has waived part of its
statutory claim. First, my colleagues concede EMILY’s List
has challenged every other subpart of these regulations, and
agree the FEC has exceeded its statutory powers, but say
because EMILY’s List only mentions “administrative
expenses” in one section of its brief, it waives its argument
about “costs of generic voter drives” and “costs of public
communications that refer to any political party.” 11 C.F.R.
§ 106.6(c). This is so even though the clauses are in the exact
same sentence of the exact same regulation, and even though
they violate the exact same section of FECA for the exact
same reason.
This is perplexing.
EMILY’s List
comprehensively says “[n]or are the regulations permitted by
FECA. FECA was passed to regulate contributions and
expenditures made with ‘the purpose of influencing any
election for Federal office.’” EMILY’s List Br. at 17
(emphasis added). And if there is any doubt, EMILY’s List
7
“Generic party advertising” is not in the United States Code or the
Code of Federal Regulations. It was used by the McConnell district
court to mean, naturally, ads that support a party. See 251 F. Supp.
2d 176, 199 (D.D.C. 2003) (per curiam) (“[N]ational parties
expended $14 million in nonfederal funds for ‘generic’ party
advertising, consisting predominantly of television advertisements
that did not mention candidates names, but urged viewers to simply
vote for a particular party or stressed themes from the presidential
campaigns.”); id. at 654 (separate opinion of Kollar-Kotelly, J.)
(“generic party advertising (that is, ‘Vote Republican!’)”).