12 Marbury v. Madison. But in their eagerness to play John Marshall, they do not follow him. The Great Chief Justice himself cautioned: “No questions can be brought before a judicial tribunal of greater delicacy than those which involve the constitutionality of a legislative act. If they become indispensably necessary to the case, the court must meet and decide them,” but if not, “a just respect for the legislature requires, that the obligation of its laws should not be unnecessarily and wantonly assailed.” Ex parte Randolph, 20 F. Cas. 242, 254 (C.C.D. Va. 1833) (No. 11,558). The reasons to be “keenly mindful of our institutional role” and “fully appreciate” the solemnity of constitutional adjudication are obvious. Nw. Austin Mun. Util. Dist. No. One v. Holder, 129 S. Ct. 2504, 2513 (2009). Meekness, for one, compels us to recognize we are not the Constitution’s only friend—each branch swears an oath to uphold it. See U.S. CONST. art. II, § 1, cl. 8; Rostker v. Goldberg, 453 U.S. 57, 64 (1981). And if we misread a statute, Congress can fix it; not so with the Constitution. The court, however, is not content just answering a gratuitous constitutional question. Its holding is broader than even the plaintiff requests. Instead of arguing nonprofits have a constitutional right to pay for ads attacking federal candidates with soft money, EMILY’s List more modestly challenges the regulations as the “functional equivalent of spending limits, prohibiting EMILY’s List from supporting state and local candidates in certain ways when its federal funds are exhausted” and claims they are not properly tailored because they “restrict vast amounts of nonfederal activity.” EMILY’s List Br. at 17 (summary of argument) (emphasis added). The court holds, nonetheless, that EMILY’s List is constitutionally entitled to pay 100% of the costs of its

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