17 Money only measures its depth. The more power is at stake, the more money will be used to shield, deflect, or co-opt it. So long as the government can take and redistribute a man’s livelihood, there will always be money in politics. One man’s corruption is another man’s political accountability. But there is a rub. We sit on a lower court and “must follow the binding Supreme Court precedent” until the Court itself overrules it. We the People Found., Inc. v. United States, 485 F.3d 140, 144 (D.C. Cir. 2007). Though we do not read the court above’s precedent unduly expansively, we also do not drag our feet: “it is not our role to fight a rearguard action” against the logical implications of the Court’s cases. United States v. Gardellini, 545 F.3d 1089, 1096 (D.C. Cir. 2008). Instead, we take its holdings as we find them, applying them to cover all they fairly address. Stare decisis means nothing if we only are bound by those cases with which we already agree. Like it or not, we cannot ignore Supreme Court precedent. Modesty is dictated by the difficulty of applying McConnell’s facial generalizations to real world events. It is hard to say exactly how contribution limits on hybrid committees, like EMILY’s List, should be analyzed after McConnell. McConnell involved a wide-ranging facial challenge addressing the constitutionality of BCRA. Trying to extrapolate from that case to this one is risky and reason enough to avoid the constitutional bog. Suffice it to say that the Supreme Court majority, the dissenters, and the commentators all have read McConnell as a maximalist opinion. See 540 U.S. at 192–93 (“[O]ur decisions in Buckley and MCFL were specific to the statutory language before us; they in no way drew a constitutional boundary that forever fixed the permissible scope of provisions regulating campaign-related speech.”); id. at 263 (Scalia, J., dissenting)