electorate (as opposed to a system of values thought to be characteristic of democracies), this is bound to be a matter of real concern. Of course, as Lady Hale has pointed out, it does not follow that a democracy can properly do whatever it likes, simply by virtue of the democratic mandate for its acts. The protection of minorities is a necessary concern of any democratic constitution. But the present issue has nothing whatever to do with the protection of minorities. Prisoners belong to a minority only in the banal and legally irrelevant sense that most people do not do the things which warrant imprisonment by due process of law. 113. In any democracy, the franchise will be determined by domestic laws which will define those entitled to vote in more or less inclusive terms. The right to vote may be based on citizenship or residence, or a combination of the two. There will invariably be a minimum voting age and may be other conditions of eligibility, such as mental capacity. In the United Kingdom, the right to vote at parliamentary and local government elections is enjoyed by Commonwealth citizens and citizens of the Republic of Ireland aged over 18, who are on the electoral roll, and not subject to any legal incapacity to vote. Inclusion on the electoral roll depends on current (or in some cases recent) residence. The only legal incapacity of any significance relates to convicted prisoners. Section 3(1) of the Representation of the People Act 1983 provides that convicted prisoners are “legally incapable of voting at any parliamentary or local government election.” There are limited exceptions for those committed for contempt of court or detained for default of compliance with another sentence (such as a fine). Section 8(1) and (2) of the European Parliamentary Elections Act 2002 apply the same rules of eligibility to elections for the European Parliament. These provisions are entirely clear. There is no way in which they can be read down so as to allow voting rights to any category of convicted prisoners other than those falling within the specified exceptions. 114. The exclusion of convicted prisoners from the franchise is not a universal principle among mature democracies, but neither is it uncommon. Information provided by the Foreign Office in answer to a parliamentary question (updated to July 2012) indicates that at least 18 European countries including Denmark, Finland, Ireland, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland have no restrictions on voting by prisoners. Bulgaria, Estonia, Georgia, Hungary, Japan, Liechtenstein, Russia and the United States ban all convicted prisoners from voting, as do two of the seven Australian states. In some countries such as France disenfranchisement is reserved for those convicted of certain particularly serious offences, and in others such as Belgium for cases in which the prisoner is sentenced to a period of imprisonment exceeding a given threshold. In France, the Netherlands and Belgium disenfranchisement is an additional penalty imposed as a matter of judicial discretion. In other countries, such as Germany and Italy, it is automatic in specified cases. In Belgium, Italy and some jurisdictions of the United States, the Page 52