30
ALEXANDER v. SOUTH CAROLINA STATE CONFERENCE
OF THE NAACP
Opinion of the Court
D
In addition to all this, the District Court also critically
erred by failing to draw an adverse inference against the
Challengers for not providing a substitute map that shows
how the State “could have achieved its legitimate political
objectives” in District 1 while producing “significantly
greater racial balance.” Cromartie II, 532 U. S., at 258. We
have repeatedly observed that an alternative map of this
sort can go a long way toward helping plaintiffs disentangle
race and politics. In Cooper, we expressed “no doubt that
an alternative districting plan . . . can serve as key evidence
in a race-versus-politics dispute.” 581 U. S., at 317. By
showing that a rational legislature, driven only by its professed mapmaking criteria, could have produced a different
map with “greater racial balance,” Cromartie II, 532 U. S.,
at 258, an alternative map can perform the critical task of
distinguishing between racial and political motivations
when race and partisanship are closely entwined. For that
reason, we have said that when all plaintiffs can muster is
“meager direct evidence of a racial gerrymander” “only [an
alternative] ma[p] of that kind” can “carry the day.” Cooper,
581 U. S., at 322.
Nor is an alternative map difficult to produce. Any expert
armed with a computer “can easily churn out redistricting
maps that control for any number of specified criteria, including prior voting patterns and political party registration.” Id., at 337 (opinion of ALITO, J.). The Challengers
enlisted four experts who could have made these maps at
little marginal cost. Dr. Imai’s simulations generated
20,000 different maps—but none that actually controlled
for politics. The evidentiary force of an alternative map,
coupled with its easy availability, means that trial courts
should draw an adverse inference from a plaintiff ’s failure
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the District Court clearly erred when it found that the Challengers carried their “demanding burden.”