Tan Cheng Bock v AG
[2017] SGCA 50
an interpretation which depends on so serious and glaring a contradiction can
be justified.
91
Furthermore, such a construction would (as the Respondent points out)
be inconsistent with the position the Appellant takes before us. The Appellant’s
position is that the first term to be counted could be that of President Ong or any
of the Presidents who took office after him but not that of any who held the
office before him. Yet if we were to interpret “this Constitution” here to mean
the Constitution as it stands after the 2016 Amendment, it would be
impermissible to count the terms of office of any of the previous Presidents,
regardless of how they were elected to office. This is because President Ong and
each of his successors – although elected by the citizens of Singapore – were
nonetheless elected under previous iterations of the Constitution, and not the
Constitution as it now stands. For one thing, the 2016 Amendment updated the
eligibility criteria and introduced a new certification process. These changes are
reflected in the presently amended form of Art 19. It is undisputed that President
Ong, President Nathan and President Tan all did not undergo the processes set
out in the present iteration of Art 19. Hence, on this interpretation, Parliament
could not specify the term of office of any previous President as the first term,
but as we have noted, this is so plainly contrary to the express terms of Art 164
that it must be rejected.
92
Such an interpretation of “this Constitution” could also make Art 19B
unworkable moving forward. If “this Constitution” means the latest iteration of
the Constitution as it stands from time to time, then the goal of having reserved
elections might be frustrated indefinitely if the count has to start afresh each
time any part of the Constitution is amended. This seems illogical and counterintuitive.
46