OCTOBER TERM, 1975
Per Curiam
424 U. S.
influencing or attempting to influence" the Presidential
or Vice Presidential elections (a) in two or more States
or (b) as a subsidiary of a national committee, § 302 (c),
43 Stat. 1070, to report total contributions and expenditures, including the names and addresses of contributors
of $100 or more and recipients of $10 or more in a calendar year. § 305 (a), 43 Stat. 1071. The Act was upheld
against a challenge that it infringed upon the prerogatives of the States in Burroughs v. United States, 290
U. S.534 (1934). The Court held that it was within the
power of Congress "to pass appropriate legislation to safeguard [a Presidential] election from the improper use of
money to influence the result." Id., at 545. Although
the disclosure requirements were widely circumvented,"
no further attempts were made to tighten them until 1960,
when the Senate passed a bill that would have closed
some existing loopholes. S. 2436, 106 Cong. Rec. 1193.
The attempt aborted because no similar effort was made
in the House.
The Act presently under review replaced all prior disclosure laws. Its primary disclosure provisions impose
reporting obligations on "political committees" and candidates. "Political committee" is defined in § 431 (d) as
a group of persons that receives "contributions" or makes
"expenditures" of over $1,000 in a calendar year. "Contributions" and "expenditures" are defined in lengthy
parallel provisions similar to those in Title 18, discussed
71 Past disclosure laws were relatively easy to circumvent because
candidates were required to report only contributions that they had
received themselves or that were received by others for them with
their knowledge or consent. § 307, 43 Stat. 1072. The data that
were reported were virtually impossible to use because there were
no uniform rules for the compiling of reports or provisions for requiring corrections and additions. See Redish, Campaign Spending
Laws and the First Amendment, 46 N. Y. U. L. Rev. 900, 905
(1971).
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