Cite as: 558 U. S. ____ (2010) 41 Opinion of STEVENS, J. night the day) that their electioneering must be equally protected by the First Amendment and equally immunized from expenditure limits. See ante, at 7–8. That conclu­ sion certainly does not follow as a logical matter, and JUSTICE SCALIA fails to explain why the original public meaning leads it to follow as a matter of interpretation. The truth is we cannot be certain how a law such as BCRA §203 meshes with the original meaning of the First Amendment.58 I have given several reasons why I believe the Constitution would have been understood then, and ought to be understood now, to permit reasonable restric­ tions on corporate electioneering, and I will give many more reasons in the pages to come. The Court enlists the Framers in its defense without seriously grappling with their understandings of corporations or the free speech right, or with the republican principles that underlay those understandings. In fairness, our campaign finance jurisprudence has never attended very closely to the views of the Framers, see Randall v. Sorrell, 548 U. S. 230, 280 (2006) (STEVENS, J., dissenting), whose political universe differed pro­ foundly from that of today. We have long since held that corporations are covered by the First Amendment, and many legal scholars have long since rejected the conces­ sion theory of the corporation. But “historical context is usually relevant,” ibid. (internal quotation marks omit­ ted), and in light of the Court’s effort to cast itself as guardian of ancient values, it pays to remember that nothing in our constitutional history dictates today’s outcome. To the contrary, this history helps illuminate just how extraordinarily dissonant the decision is. —————— 58 Cf. L. Levy, Legacy of Suppression: Freedom of Speech and Press in Early American History 4 (1960) (“The meaning of no other clause of the Bill of Rights at the time of its framing and ratification has been so obscure to us” as the Free Speech and Press Clause).

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