Cite as: 558 U. S. ____ (2010) 43 Opinion of STEVENS, J. and second, a respect for the interest of shareholders and members in preventing the use of their money to support candidates they opposed. See ibid.; United States v. CIO, 335 U. S. 106, 113 (1948); Winkler, “Other People’s Money”: Corporations, Agency Costs, and Campaign Fi­ nance Law, 92 Geo. L. J. 871 (2004). Over the years, the limitations on corporate political spending have been modified in a number of ways, as Congress responded to changes in the American economy and political practices that threatened to displace the commonweal. Justice Souter recently traced these devel­ opments at length.59 WRTL, 551 U. S., at 507–519 (dis­ senting opinion); see also McConnell, 540 U. S., at 115– 133; McConnell, 251 F. Supp. 2d, at 188–205. The TaftHartley Act of 1947 is of special significance for this case. In that Act passed more than 60 years ago, Congress extended the prohibition on corporate support of candi­ dates to cover not only direct contributions, but independ­ ent expenditures as well. Labor Management Relations Act, 1947, §304, 61 Stat. 159. The bar on contributions “was being so narrowly construed” that corporations were easily able to defeat the purposes of the Act by supporting candidates through other means. WRTL, 551 U. S., at 511 (Souter, J., dissenting) (citing S. Rep. No. 1, 80th Cong., 1st Sess., 38–39 (1947)). Our colleagues emphasize that in two cases from the middle of the 20th century, several Justices wrote sepa­ —————— 59 As the majority notes, there is some academic debate about the precise origins of these developments. Ante, at 48; see also n. 19, supra. There is always some academic debate about such developments; the motives of legislatures are never entirely clear or unitary. Yet the basic shape and trajectory of 20th-century campaign finance reform are clear, and one need not take a naïve or triumphalist view of this history to find it highly relevant. The Court’s skepticism does nothing to mitigate the absurdity of its claim that Austin and McConnell were outliers. Nor does it alter the fact that five Justices today destroy a longstanding American practice.

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