74 CITIZENS UNITED v. FEDERAL ELECTION COMM’N Opinion of STEVENS, J. 280. The majority cavalierly ignores Congress’ factual findings and its constitutional judgment: It acknowledges the validity of the interest in preventing corruption, but it effectively discounts the value of that interest to zero. This is quite different from conscientious policing for impermissibly anticompetitive motive or effect in a sensi­ tive First Amendment context. It is the denial of Con­ gress’ authority to regulate corporate spending on elections. Austin and Corporate Expenditures Just as the majority gives short shrift to the general societal interests at stake in campaign finance regulation, it also overlooks the distinctive considerations raised by the regulation of corporate expenditures. The majority fails to appreciate that Austin’s antidistortion rationale is itself an anticorruption rationale, see 494 U. S., at 660 (describing “a different type of corruption”), tied to the special concerns raised by corporations. Understood prop­ erly, “antidistortion” is simply a variant on the classic governmental interest in protecting against improper influences on officeholders that debilitate the democratic process. It is manifestly not just an “ ‘equalizing’ ” ideal in disguise. Ante, at 34 (quoting Buckley, 424 U. S., at 48).69 —————— 69 THE CHIEF JUSTICE denies this, ante, at 9–10, citing scholarship that has interpreted Austin to endorse an equality rationale, along with an article by Justice Thurgood Marshall’s former law clerk that states that Marshall, the author of Austin, accepted “equality of opportunity” and “equalizing access to the political process” as bases for campaign finance regulation, Garrett, New Voices in Politics: Justice Marshall’s Jurisprudence on Law and Politics, 52 Howard L. J. 655, 667–668 (2009) (internal quotation marks omitted). It is fair to say that Austin can bear an egalitarian reading, and I have no reason to doubt this characterization of Justice Marshall’s beliefs. But the fact that Austin can be read a certain way hardly proves THE CHIEF JUSTICE’s charge that there is nothing more to it. Many of our precedents can bear multiple readings, and many of our doctrines have some “equalizing” implications but do not rest on an equalizing theory: for example, our

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