6
CITIZENS UNITED v. FEDERAL ELECTION COMM’N
SCALIA, J., concurring
Historical evidence relating to the textually similar
clause “the freedom of . . . the press” also provides no
support for the proposition that the First Amendment
excludes conduct of artificial legal entities from the scope
of its protection. The freedom of “the press” was widely
understood to protect the publishing activities of individ
ual editors and printers. See McIntyre v. Ohio Elections
Comm’n, 514 U. S. 334, 360 (1995) (THOMAS, J., concur
ring in judgment); see also McConnell, 540 U. S., at 252–
253 (opinion of SCALIA, J.). But these individuals often
acted through newspapers, which (much like corporations)
had their own names, outlived the individuals who had
founded them, could be bought and sold, were sometimes
owned by more than one person, and were operated for
profit. See generally F. Mott, American Journalism: A
History of Newspapers in the United States Through 250
Years 3–164 (1941); J. Smith, Freedom’s Fetters (1956).
Their activities were not stripped of First Amendment
protection simply because they were carried out under the
banner of an artificial legal entity. And the notion which
follows from the dissent’s view, that modern newspapers,
since they are incorporated, have free-speech rights only
at the sufferance of Congress, boggles the mind.6
——————
Stromberg v. California, 283 U. S. 359 (1931), and a federal law until
1965, see Lamont v. Postmaster General, 381 U. S. 301 (1965).
6 The dissent seeks to avoid this conclusion (and to turn a liability
into an asset) by interpreting the Freedom of the Press Clause to refer
to the institutional press (thus demonstrating, according to the dissent,
that the Founders “did draw distinctions—explicit distinctions—
between types of ‘speakers,’ or speech outlets or forms ”). Post, at 40
and n. 57. It is passing strange to interpret the phrase “the freedom of
speech, or of the press” to mean, not everyone’s right to speak or pub
lish, but rather everyone’s right to speak or the institutional press’s
right to publish. No one thought that is what it meant. Patriot Noah
Webster’s 1828 dictionary contains, under the word “press,” the follow
ing entry:
“Liberty of the press, in civil policy, is the free right of publishing