50
CITIZENS UNITED v. FEDERAL ELECTION COMM’N
Opinion of STEVENS, J.
limits.” ’ ” Ibid. (quoting Beaumont, 539 U. S., at 155, in
turn quoting FEC v. Colorado Republican Federal Cam
paign Comm., 533 U. S. 431, 456, and n. 18 (2001) (Colo
rado II); alteration in original). BCRA, we found, is faith
ful to the compelling governmental interests in
“ ‘preserving the integrity of the electoral process, prevent
ing corruption, . . . sustaining the active, alert responsibil
ity of the individual citizen in a democracy for the wise
conduct of the government,’ ” and maintaining “ ‘the indi
vidual citizen’s confidence in government.’ ” 540 U. S., at
206–207, n. 88 (quoting Bellotti, 435 U. S., at 788–789;
some internal quotation marks and brackets omitted).
What made the answer even easier than it might have
been otherwise was the option to form PACs, which give
corporations, at the least, “a constitutionally sufficient
opportunity to engage in” independent expenditures. 540
U. S., at 203.
3. Buckley and Bellotti
Against this extensive background of congressional
regulation of corporate campaign spending, and our re
peated affirmation of this regulation as constitutionally
sound, the majority dismisses Austin as “a significant
departure from ancient First Amendment principles,”
ante, at 1 (internal quotation marks omitted). How does
the majority attempt to justify this claim? Selected pas
sages from two cases, Buckley, 424 U. S. 1, and Bellotti,
435 U. S. 765, do all of the work. In the Court’s view,
Buckley and Bellotti decisively rejected the possibility of
distinguishing corporations from natural persons in the
1970’s; it just so happens that in every single case in
which the Court has reviewed campaign finance legisla
tion in the decades since, the majority failed to grasp this
truth. The Federal Congress and dozens of state legisla
tures, we now know, have been similarly deluded.
The majority emphasizes Buckley’s statement that