Cite as: 570 U. S. ____ (2013)
9
GINSBURG, J., dissenting
The basis for this deference is firmly rooted in both
constitutional text and precedent. The Fifteenth Amend
ment, which targets precisely and only racial discrimina
tion in voting rights, states that, in this domain, “Congress
shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate
legislation.”2 In choosing this language, the Amendment’s
framers invoked Chief Justice Marshall’s formulation of
the scope of Congress’ powers under the Necessary and
Proper Clause:
“Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of
the constitution, and all means which are appropriate,
which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not
prohibited, but consist with the letter and spirit of the
constitution, are constitutional.” McCulloch v. Maryland, 4 Wheat. 316, 421 (1819) (emphasis added).
It cannot tenably be maintained that the VRA, an Act of
Congress adopted to shield the right to vote from racial
discrimination, is inconsistent with the letter or spirit of
the Fifteenth Amendment, or any provision of the Consti
tution read in light of the Civil War Amendments. No
where in today’s opinion, or in Northwest Austin,3 is there
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2 The Constitution uses the words “right to vote” in five separate
places: the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, Nineteenth, Twenty-Fourth, and
Twenty-Sixth Amendments. Each of these Amendments contains the
same broad empowerment of Congress to enact “appropriate legisla
tion” to enforce the protected right. The implication is unmistakable:
Under our constitutional structure, Congress holds the lead rein in
making the right to vote equally real for all U. S. citizens. These
Amendments are in line with the special role assigned to Congress in
protecting the integrity of the democratic process in federal elections.
U. S. Const., Art. I, §4 (“[T]he Congress may at any time by Law make
or alter” regulations concerning the “Times, Places and Manner of
holding Elections for Senators and Representatives.”); Arizona v. Inter
Tribal Council of Ariz., Inc., ante, at 5–6.
3 Acknowledging the existence of “serious constitutional questions,”
see ante, at 22 (internal quotation marks omitted), does not suggest
how those questions should be answered.