Cite as: 570 U. S. ____ (2013) 17 GINSBURG, J., dissenting years, leaving that district without representation on the city council while the neighboring majority­ white district would have three representatives. 1 Section 5 Hearing 744. DOJ blocked the proposal. The county then sought to move a polling place from a predominantly black neighborhood in the city to an inaccessible location in a predominantly white neighborhood outside city limits. Id., at 816.  In 2004, Waller County, Texas, threatened to prose­ cute two black students after they announced their intention to run for office. The county then at­ tempted to reduce the availability of early voting in that election at polling places near a historically black university. 679 F. 3d, at 865–866.  In 1990, Dallas County, Alabama, whose county seat is the City of Selma, sought to purge its voter rolls of many black voters. DOJ rejected the purge as discriminatory, noting that it would have disquali­ fied many citizens from voting “simply because they failed to pick up or return a voter update form, when there was no valid requirement that they do so.” 1 Section 5 Hearing 356. These examples, and scores more like them, fill the pages of the legislative record. The evidence was indeed sufficient to support Congress’ conclusion that “racial discrimination in voting in covered jurisdictions [re­ mained] serious and pervasive.” 679 F. 3d, at 865.5 —————— 5 For an illustration postdating the 2006 reauthorization, see South Carolina v. United States, 898 F. Supp. 2d 30 (DC 2012), which in­ volved a South Carolina voter-identification law enacted in 2011. Concerned that the law would burden minority voters, DOJ brought a §5 enforcement action to block the law’s implementation. In the course of the litigation, South Carolina officials agreed to binding interpreta­ tions that made it “far easier than some might have expected or feared” for South Carolina citizens to vote. Id., at 37. A three-judge panel

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