Cite as: 570 U. S. ____ (2013)
17
GINSBURG, J., dissenting
years, leaving that district without representation
on the city council while the neighboring majority
white district would have three representatives. 1
Section 5 Hearing 744. DOJ blocked the proposal.
The county then sought to move a polling place
from a predominantly black neighborhood in the
city to an inaccessible location in a predominantly
white neighborhood outside city limits. Id., at 816.
In 2004, Waller County, Texas, threatened to prose
cute two black students after they announced their
intention to run for office. The county then at
tempted to reduce the availability of early voting in
that election at polling places near a historically
black university. 679 F. 3d, at 865–866.
In 1990, Dallas County, Alabama, whose county
seat is the City of Selma, sought to purge its voter
rolls of many black voters. DOJ rejected the purge
as discriminatory, noting that it would have disquali
fied many citizens from voting “simply because
they failed to pick up or return a voter update
form, when there was no valid requirement that
they do so.” 1 Section 5 Hearing 356.
These examples, and scores more like them, fill the
pages of the legislative record. The evidence was indeed
sufficient to support Congress’ conclusion that “racial
discrimination in voting in covered jurisdictions [re
mained] serious and pervasive.” 679 F. 3d, at 865.5
——————
5 For an illustration postdating the 2006 reauthorization, see South
Carolina v. United States, 898 F. Supp. 2d 30 (DC 2012), which in
volved a South Carolina voter-identification law enacted in 2011.
Concerned that the law would burden minority voters, DOJ brought a
§5 enforcement action to block the law’s implementation. In the course
of the litigation, South Carolina officials agreed to binding interpreta
tions that made it “far easier than some might have expected or feared”
for South Carolina citizens to vote. Id., at 37. A three-judge panel