34
SHELBY COUNTY v. HOLDER
GINSBURG, J., dissenting
identifies the jurisdictions with the worst conditions of
voting discrimination, that is of no moment, as the Court
sees it. Congress, the Court decrees, must “star[t] from
scratch.” Ante, at 23. I do not see why that should be so.
Congress’ chore was different in 1965 than it was in
2006. In 1965, there were a “small number of States . . .
which in most instances were familiar to Congress by
name,” on which Congress fixed its attention. Katzenbach,
383 U. S., at 328. In drafting the coverage formula, “Con
gress began work with reliable evidence of actual voting
discrimination in a great majority of the States” it sought
to target. Id., at 329. “The formula [Congress] eventually
evolved to describe these areas” also captured a few States
that had not been the subject of congressional factfinding.
Ibid. Nevertheless, the Court upheld the formula in its
entirety, finding it fair “to infer a significant danger of the
evil” in all places the formula covered. Ibid.
The situation Congress faced in 2006, when it took up
reauthorization of the coverage formula, was not the same.
By then, the formula had been in effect for many years,
and all of the jurisdictions covered by it were “familiar
to Congress by name.” Id., at 328. The question before
Congress: Was there still a sufficient basis to support
continued application of the preclearance remedy in each
of those already-identified places? There was at that point
no chance that the formula might inadvertently sweep in
new areas that were not the subject of congressional
findings. And Congress could determine from the record
whether the jurisdictions captured by the coverage for
mula still belonged under the preclearance regime. If they
did, there was no need to alter the formula. That is why
the Court, in addressing prior reauthorizations of the
VRA, did not question the continuing “relevance” of the
formula.
Consider once again the components of the record before
Congress in 2006. The coverage provision identified a