Cite as: 588 U. S. ____ (2019)
3
KAGAN, J., dissenting
gerrymandering claims are really so hamstrung—so unable to carry out their constitutional duties—as the majority thinks.
A
The plaintiffs here challenge two congressional districting plans—one adopted by Republicans in North Carolina
and the other by Democrats in Maryland—as unconstitutional partisan gerrymanders. As I relate what happened
in those two States, ask yourself: Is this how American
democracy is supposed to work?
Start with North Carolina. After the 2010 census, the
North Carolina General Assembly, with Republican majorities in both its House and its Senate, enacted a new congressional districting plan. That plan governed the two
next national elections. In 2012, Republican candidates
won 9 of the State’s 13 seats in the U. S. House of Representatives, although they received only 49% of the
statewide vote. In 2014, Republican candidates increased
their total to 10 of the 13 seats, this time based on 55% of
the vote. Soon afterward, a District Court struck down
two districts in the plan as unconstitutional racial gerrymanders. See Harris v. McCrory, 159 F. Supp. 3d 600
(MDNC 2016), aff ’d sub nom. Cooper v. Harris, 581 U. S.
___ (2017). The General Assembly, with both chambers
still controlled by Republicans, went back to the drawing
board to craft the needed remedial state map. And here is
how the process unfolded:
The Republican co-chairs of the Assembly’s redistricting committee, Rep. David Lewis and Sen.
Robert Rucho, instructed Dr. Thomas Hofeller, a
Republican districting specialist, to create a new
map that would maintain the 10–3 composition of
the State’s congressional delegation come what
might. Using sophisticated technological tools and