4 RUCHO v. COMMON CAUSE KAGAN, J., dissenting precinct-level election results selected to predict voting behavior, Hofeller drew district lines to minimize Democrats’ voting strength and ensure the election of 10 Republican Congressmen. See Common Cause v. Rucho, 318 F. Supp. 3d 777, 805–806 (MDNC 2018).  Lewis then presented for the redistricting committee’s (retroactive) approval a list of the criteria Hofeller had employed—including one labeled “Partisan Advantage.” That criterion, endorsed by a party-line vote, stated that the committee would make all “reasonable efforts to construct districts” to “maintain the current [10–3] partisan makeup” of the State’s congressional delegation. Id., at 807.  Lewis explained the Partisan Advantage criterion to legislators as follows: We are “draw[ing] the maps to give a partisan advantage to 10 Republicans and 3 Democrats because [I] d[o] not believe it[’s] possible to draw a map with 11 Republicans and 2 Democrats.” Id., at 808 (internal quotation marks omitted).  The committee and the General Assembly later enacted, again on a party-line vote, the map Hofeller had drawn. See id., at 809.  Lewis announced: “I think electing Republicans is better than electing Democrats. So I drew this map to help foster what I think is better for the country.” Ibid. (internal quotation marks omitted). You might think that judgment best left to the American people. But give Lewis credit for this much: The map has worked just as he planned and predicted. In 2016, Repub-