Nevertheless, the initial gambit was not heartening. In January 2020, the Russian government pushed
COVID-19 disinformation among audiences in Eastern Europe, seeking to discredit the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO)39 and Lithuania;40 experts believed the Russian authorities were behind false
information that a U.S. NATO soldier in Lithuania tested positive for COVID-19. In March, pro-Russian
news sources in the country also touted that the public health crisis was leading Lithuanian authorities
to shut down pro-Russian media outlets.41
Russia is also suspected of pushing false narratives that seek to incite violence and exploit societal fault
lines. In Ukraine, late February saw the spread of disinformation, allegedly from the Ukrainian Ministry of
Health, about returning refugees having COVID-19, leading to a riot in the town of Novi Sanzhary that
resulted in the injury of citizens and police.42 Belgium’s state security service (VSSE) has warned that
extremist organizations in Belgium are leveraging disinformation and inflammatory rhetoric about the
pandemic to turn populations against each other. The VSSE report points to conspiracy theories about
COVID-19 spreading via social media that focus on anti-immigration and anti-Muslim rhetoric.43 The
report goes on to say that these COVID-19 related disinformation campaigns were being orchestrated
from Russia, aimed at “sow[ing] discord” with the aim of “debilitat[ing] the West” and that far-right groups
“active throughout Europe were pumping pro-Russian content and disinformation into social media.”44
The tactics of China’s global influence operation also evolved as the pandemic spread. At first, the
Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was engaging in disinformation campaigns about the origins and scale
of COVID-19’s spread, mimicking Russian strategies of creating confusion and discord in the information
space. This effort used diplomatic platforms, the Chinese government’s social media accounts and other
media channels to push conspiracy theories and conflicting narratives.45 The assertions of a Chinese
Foreign Ministry spokesperson that U.S. military representatives brought COVID-19 to China was one
widely publicized example.46
The CCP has also used more familiar tactics. “Chinese information operations typically aim to uphold a
single immutable narrative that casts the Chinese Communist Party in a positive light. ... The goal isn’t
to destabilize the information environment, but rather to make Beijing appear unassailably good.”47
Narratives have shifted to the superiority of China’s authoritarian system in enabling the successful
containment of the problem48 as well as the medical aid that China is offering to other countries. China’s
enormous force of state media and social media networks are amplifying this narrative, which is likely
to be echoed by authoritarian rulers and parties in other countries to cast doubt on the democratic
system of governance. Given the extent of China’s attempted interference in Taiwanese elections, one
cannot rule out the possibility that the CCP might use COVID-19 disinformation in election contexts,
especially in countries where China has a geopolitical interest.49
In addition, China’s economic and political power ensures that the CCP’s portrayal of itself as a global
benefactor is finding a receptive audience in Europe and elsewhere, particularly given a perceived lack
of U.S. leadership.50 Euroskeptic leaders in Hungary, Serbia and Italy have embraced Chinese aid and
lavished high-profile praise on China for its provision of health supplies.51 In April, the New York Times
reported that due to Chinese government pressure, the European Union revised its report on COVID-19
disinformation to be softer on China.52 At the time of this writing, however, the European Commission
has reversed its stance, publicly naming China as a source of disinformation that undermines European
democracy and the response to COVID-19.53
The United States government, most notably senior voices in the Trump administration, are also
attempting to influence the global narrative to further geopolitical goals, branding COVID-19 as the
“Chinese Virus” or “Wuhan Virus” in official statements and advancing the theory that the virus originated
in a lab in Wuhan, despite highly inconclusive evidence.54 The rise of this rhetoric has caused opposition
lawmakers and others to warn that hate crimes directed toward Asian Americans are likely to increase.55
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International Foundation for Electoral Systems