Cite as: 585 U. S. ____ (2018)
17
Opinion of the Court
ing use of the current plans in this year’s elections, but the
court did not stop with these pronouncements. As we have
noted, the orders required the Texas attorney general to
inform the court within three days whether the Legislature would remedy the violations, and the orders stated
that if the Legislature did not intend to adopt new plans,
the court would hold remedial hearings.
The short time given the Legislature to respond is
strong evidence that the three-judge court did not intend
to allow the elections to go ahead under the plans it had
just condemned. The Legislature was not in session, so in
order to take up the task of redistricting, the Governor
would have been required to convene a special session—
which is no small matter. And, when the Governor declined to call a special session, the court moved ahead with
its scheduled hearings and invited the parties to continue
preparing for them even after this Court administratively
stayed the August 15 order.
The import of these actions is unmistakable: The court
intended to have new plans ready for use in this year’s
elections. Nothing in the record even hints that the court
contemplated the possibility of allowing the elections to
proceed under the 2013 plans.
What is more, Texas had reason to believe that it would
risk deleterious consequences if it defied the court and
attempted to conduct the elections under the plans that
the court had found to be based on intentional racial discrimination. In the very orders at issue, the court inferred
discriminatory intent from Texas’s choice to appeal the D.
C. court’s preclearance decision rather than immediately
taking steps to bring its plans into compliance with that
decision. 274 F. Supp. 3d, at 649; see Part III, infra.
Reading such an order, Texas had reason to fear that if it
tried to conduct elections under plans that the court had
found to be racially discriminatory, the court would infer
an evil motive and perhaps subject the State once again to