10 NATIONAL REPUBLICAN SENATORIAL COMMITTEE v. FEDERAL ELECTION COMM’N Opinion of the Court But the question of which test to apply here is ultimately academic. Regardless of “whether we apply strict scrutiny or Buckley’s ‘closely drawn’ test, we must assess” (i) the Government’s asserted interests in imposing the limits at issue and (ii) the fit between the limits and the Government’s asserted interests. McCutcheon, 572 U. S., at 199; see also Cruz, 596 U. S., at 305. And because, as we will explain, the political-party coordinated-expenditure limits fail to satisfy even the closely drawn test, we need not dwell on any subtle differences between the two tests. C To analyze FECA’s limits on political-party coordinated expenditures, we must assess the asserted governmental interests for that infringement on the freedom of speech of political parties. Four potential governmental interests have been identified to justify the political-party coordinatedexpenditure limits. We will address each in turn. First, in 1974, Congress enacted the political-party coordinated-expenditure limits for the “purpose of reducing what it saw as wasteful and excessive campaign spending.” Colorado I, 518 U. S., at 618 (opinion of Breyer, J.). But we need not linger on that governmental interest because no one actually invokes or defends it here. Nor could they. Such an interest is a flatly impermissible basis for restricting speech. This Court has consistently held that Congress may not restrict campaign-related spending simply to “reduce the amount of money in politics.” Cruz, 596 U. S., at 305; see also Buckley, 424 U. S., at 57. Congress may not dictate how much political speech is too much or how much spending on speech is too much. Nor may Congress restrict campaign spending so as to level the electoral playing field, or to enhance or diminish the relative influence of certain groups or views. Cruz, 596 U. S., at 305. The “concept that government may restrict