Cite as: 558 U. S. ____ (2010)
43
Opinion of STEVENS, J.
and second, a respect for the interest of shareholders and
members in preventing the use of their money to support
candidates they opposed. See ibid.; United States v. CIO,
335 U. S. 106, 113 (1948); Winkler, “Other People’s
Money”: Corporations, Agency Costs, and Campaign Fi
nance Law, 92 Geo. L. J. 871 (2004).
Over the years, the limitations on corporate political
spending have been modified in a number of ways, as
Congress responded to changes in the American economy
and political practices that threatened to displace the
commonweal. Justice Souter recently traced these devel
opments at length.59 WRTL, 551 U. S., at 507–519 (dis
senting opinion); see also McConnell, 540 U. S., at 115–
133; McConnell, 251 F. Supp. 2d, at 188–205. The TaftHartley Act of 1947 is of special significance for this case.
In that Act passed more than 60 years ago, Congress
extended the prohibition on corporate support of candi
dates to cover not only direct contributions, but independ
ent expenditures as well. Labor Management Relations
Act, 1947, §304, 61 Stat. 159. The bar on contributions
“was being so narrowly construed” that corporations were
easily able to defeat the purposes of the Act by supporting
candidates through other means. WRTL, 551 U. S., at 511
(Souter, J., dissenting) (citing S. Rep. No. 1, 80th Cong.,
1st Sess., 38–39 (1947)).
Our colleagues emphasize that in two cases from the
middle of the 20th century, several Justices wrote sepa
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59 As the majority notes, there is some academic debate about the
precise origins of these developments. Ante, at 48; see also n. 19, supra.
There is always some academic debate about such developments; the
motives of legislatures are never entirely clear or unitary. Yet the basic
shape and trajectory of 20th-century campaign finance reform are clear,
and one need not take a naïve or triumphalist view of this history to
find it highly relevant. The Court’s skepticism does nothing to mitigate
the absurdity of its claim that Austin and McConnell were outliers. Nor
does it alter the fact that five Justices today destroy a longstanding
American practice.