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CITIZENS UNITED v. FEDERAL ELECTION COMM’N
Opinion of the Court
here.
Premised on mistrust of governmental power, the First
Amendment stands against attempts to disfavor certain
subjects or viewpoints. See, e.g., United States v. Playboy
Entertainment Group, Inc., 529 U. S. 803, 813 (2000)
(striking down content-based restriction). Prohibited, too,
are restrictions distinguishing among different speakers,
allowing speech by some but not others. See First Nat.
Bank of Boston v. Bellotti, 435 U. S. 765, 784 (1978). As
instruments to censor, these categories are interrelated:
Speech restrictions based on the identity of the speaker
are all too often simply a means to control content.
Quite apart from the purpose or effect of regulating
content, moreover, the Government may commit a consti
tutional wrong when by law it identifies certain preferred
speakers. By taking the right to speak from some and
giving it to others, the Government deprives the disadvan
taged person or class of the right to use speech to strive to
establish worth, standing, and respect for the speaker’s
voice. The Government may not by these means deprive
the public of the right and privilege to determine for itself
what speech and speakers are worthy of consideration.
The First Amendment protects speech and speaker, and
the ideas that flow from each.
The Court has upheld a narrow class of speech restric
tions that operate to the disadvantage of certain persons,
but these rulings were based on an interest in allowing
governmental entities to perform their functions. See, e.g.,
Bethel School Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U. S. 675, 683
(1986) (protecting the “function of public school educa
tion”); Jones v. North Carolina Prisoners’ Labor Union,
Inc., 433 U. S. 119, 129 (1977) (furthering “the legitimate
penological objectives of the corrections system” (internal
quotation marks omitted)); Parker v. Levy, 417 U. S. 733,
759 (1974) (ensuring “the capacity of the Government to
discharge its [military] responsibilities” (internal quota