Cite as: 533 U. S. 431 (2001)
Opinion of the Court
3
Insofar as the Party suggests that its strong working relationship with candidates and its unique ability to speak in
coordination with them should be taken into account in the
First Amendment analysis, we agree. It is the accepted understanding that a party combines its members' power to
speak by aggregating contributions and broadcasting messages more widely than individual contributors generally
could afford to do, and the party marshals this power with
greater sophistication than individuals generally could, using
such mechanisms as speech coordinated with a candidate.
In other words, the party is efficient in generating large
sums to spend and in pinpointing effective ways to spend
them. Cf. Colorado 1, 518 U. S., at 637 (THOMAS, J., concurring in judgment and dissenting in part) ("Political associations allow citizens to pool their resources and make their
advocacy more effective").
It does not, however, follow from a party's efficiency in
getting large sums and spending intelligently that limits on
a party's coordinated spending should be scrutinized under
an unusually high standard, and in fact any argument from
sophistication and power would cut both ways. On the one
hand, one can seek the benefit of stricter scrutiny of a law
capping party coordinated spending by emphasizing the
heavy burden imposed by limiting the most effective mechanism of sophisticated spending. And yet it is exactly this
efficiency culminating in coordinated spending that (on the
Government's view) places a party in a position to be used
to circumvent contribution limits that apply to individuals
and PACs, and thereby to exacerbate the threat of corruption and apparent corruption that those contribution limits
are aimed at reducing. As a consequence, what the Party
calls an unusual burden imposed by regulating its spending
is not a simple premise for arguing for tighter scrutiny of
limits on a party; it is the premise for a question pointing in