Cite as: 509 U. S. 630 (1993)
Opinion of the Court
The state appellees assert that the deliberate creation of
majority-minority districts is the most precise way-indeed
the only effective way-to overcome the effects of racially
polarized voting. This question also need not be decided at
this stage of the litigation. We note, however, that only
three Justices in UJO were prepared to say that States have
a significant interest in minimizing the consequences of racial bloc voting apart from the requirements of the Voting
Rights Act. And those three Justices specifically concluded
that race-based districting, as a response to racially polarized
voting, is constitutionally permissible only when the State
"employ[s] sound districting principles," and only when the
affected racial group's "residential patterns afford, the
opportunity of creating districts in which they will be in the
majority." 430 U. S., at 167-168 (opinion of WHITE, J., joined
by STEVENS and REHNQUIST, JJ.).
V
Racial classifications of any sort pose the risk of lasting
harm to our society. They reinforce the belief, held by too
many for too much of our history, that individuals should be
judged by the color of their skin. Racial classifications with
respect to voting carry particular dangers. Racial gerrymandering, even for remedial purposes, may balkanize us
into competing racial factions; it threatens to carry us further from the goal of a political system in which race no
longer matters-a goal that the Fourteenth and Fifteenth
Amendments embody, and to which the Nation continues to
aspire. It is for these reasons that race-based districting by
our state legislatures demands close judicial scrutiny.
In this case, the Attorney General suggested that North
Carolina could have created a reasonably compact second
majority-minority district in the south-central to southeastern part of the State. We express no view as to whether
appellants successfully could have challenged such a district
under the Fourteenth Amendment. We also do not decide
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