Cite as: 509 U. S. 630 (1993)
WHiTE, J., dissenting
Equal Protection Clause. On the same reasoning, I would
affirm the District Court's dismissal of appellants' claim in
this instance.
The Court today chooses not to overrule, but rather to
sidestep, UJO. It does so by glossing over the striking similarities, focusing on surface differences, most notably the (admittedly unusual) shape of the newly created district, and
imagining an entirely new cause of action. Because the
holding is limited to such anomalous circumstances, ante, at
649, it perhaps will not substantially hamper a State's legitimate efforts to redistrict in favor of racial minorities. Nonetheless, the notion that North Carolina's plan, under which
whites remain a voting majority in a disproportionate number of congressional districts, and pursuant to which the
State has sent its first black representatives since Reconstruction to the United States Congress, might have violated
appellants' constitutional rights is both a fiction and a departure from settled equal protection principles. Seeing no
good reason to engage in either, I dissent.
I
A
The grounds for my disagreement with the majority are
simply stated: Appellants have not presented a cognizable
claim, because they have not alleged a cognizable injury. To
date, we have held that only two types of state voting practices could give rise to a constitutional claim. The first involves direct and outright deprivation of the right to vote,
for example by means of a poll tax or literacy test. See,
e. g., Guinn v. United States, 238 U. S. 347 (1915). Plainly,
this variety is not implicated by appellants' allegations and
need not detain us further. The second type of unconstitutional practice is that which "affects the political strength of
various groups," Mobile v. Bolden, 446 U. S. 55, 83 (1980)
(STEVENS, J., concurring in judgment), in violation of the
Equal Protection Clause. As for this latter category, we
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