Cite as: 602 U. S. ____ (2024)
1
KAGAN, J., dissenting
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
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No. 22–807
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THOMAS C. ALEXANDER, IN HIS OFFICIAL CAPACITY AS
PRESIDENT OF THE SOUTH CAROLINA SENATE,
ET AL., APPELLANTS v. THE SOUTH CAROLINA
STATE CONFERENCE OF THE NAACP, ET AL.
ON APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR
THE DISTRICT OF SOUTH CAROLINA
[May 23, 2024]
JUSTICE KAGAN, with whom JUSTICE SOTOMAYOR and
JUSTICE JACKSON join, dissenting.
This voting case, as the Court acknowledges, turns on a
quintessential factual dispute: Did South Carolina rely on
racial data to reconfigure the State’s Congressional District
1? The parties here agree that the South Carolina Legislature wanted to make District 1 more Republican. They further agree that in pursuit of that aim, the legislature moved
nearly 200,000 people into or out of the district. What the
parties disagree about is how the people expelled from the
district were chosen. The State contends that its mapmakers looked exclusively at data from the last election and targeted people who had voted Democratic. If that is true, the
State’s actions (however unsavory and undemocratic) are
immune from federal constitutional challenge. The Challengers, though, offer a different account. They say that the
mapmakers, not content with what the election data revealed, also reviewed and heavily relied on racial data—
thus exploiting the well-known correlation between race
and voting behavior. And if that is true, the Challengers
have a good constitutional claim, because the Equal Protection Clause forbids basing election districts mainly on race
in order to achieve partisan aims. See Cooper v. Harris, 581