[54]
All the petitioners have anchored their arguments for the nullication of the 9th August Presidential
Election, inter alia, on the walk-out from the Bomas by the four Commissioners. They contend that by
rejecting IEBC’s results on grounds of opaqueness of the verication and tallying process, they called
into question, the credibility of the entire election. They further submitted that being in the majority
out of the seven-member Commission, their view should prevail and the election should be nullied.
It is the petitioners’ argument, therefore, that a dysfunctional Commission cannot deliver a credible
election.
[55]
We note that apart from their eleventh-hour denunciation of the verication and tallying process, and
their averments regarding the conduct of the Chairperson, the four Commissioners have not placed
before this court, any information or document showing that the elections were either compromised
or that the result would have substantially diered from that declared by the Chairperson of IEBC.
Critically, they have not explained why they participated in a verication process when they knew
that it was opaque up until the last minute. Indeed, at the Serena Hotel press brieng, the four
Commissioners acknowledged that thus far, the entire election had been managed eciently and
credibly. The Chairperson on his part, did not make matters any better by maintaining a stoic silence
even as things appeared to be falling apart. All this in our view, points to a serious malaise in the
governance of an institution entrusted with one of the monumental tasks of midwing our democracy.
An institution that obviously needs far-reaching reforms, of which we shall say more in our detailed
reasons.
[56]
But are we to nullify an election on the basis of a last-minute boardroom rapture (the details of
which remain scanty and contradictory) between the Chairperson of the Commission and some of
its members? In the absence of any evidence of violation of the Constitution and our electoral laws,
how can we upset an election in which the people have participated without hindrance, as they make
their political choices pursuant to article 38 of the Constitution? To do so, would be tantamount
to subjecting the sovereign will of the Kenyan people to the quorum antics of the IEBC. This we
cannot do. Clearly the current dysfunctionality at the Commission impugns the state of its corporate
governance but does not aect the conduct of the election itself.
[57]
In view of the foregoing, we are satised that notwithstanding the divisions apparent between the
Chairperson and the four Commissioners, IEBC carried out the verication, tallying, and declaration
of results in accordance with article 138(3)(c) and (10) of the Constitution.
(vii) Whether the declared President-elect attained 50%+1 of all the votes cast in accordance with
Article 138(4) of the Constitution
[58]
The 1st, 2nd and 3rd petitioners averred that the 1st respondent did not garner 50% + 1 of the total votes
cast and therefore did not meet the threshold provided by article 138(4)(a) of the Constitution. They
anchored their claims on the basis that in order to determine whether a candidate has attained 50% + 1
of the votes cast, this ought to be calculated based on the total number of votes cast excluding rejected
votes. They urged that 50% of 14,353,165 which in their view were the valid votes cast, amounted to
7,176,582.77 votes. They contended that by attaining 7,176,141 votes, the 1st respondent did not meet
the constitutional threshold to be declared President-elect.
[59]
Supporting the claim that the 1st respondent did not meet the 50%+1 constitutional threshold was
the 6th petitioner. His contention was founded on the backdrop of a press brieng issued by the
Chairperson of IEBC after the ocial closure of voting on August 9, 2022. According to the 6th
petitioner, the Chairperson of IEBC announced that the voter turnout was 65.4% of the total number
of registered voters, based on the verication of the KIEMS kits which were functional during the
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