Laws which were in force prior to August 10, 1975. (iv) The election shall not
be deemed ever to have become void on any ground on which prior to August
10, 1975 it was declared to be void. (v) The election shall continue to be valid
in all respects notwithstanding the judgment of any court which includes the
judgment dated June 12, 1975 of the High Court of Allahabad. (vi) The
judgment of the Allahabad High Court and any finding on which the
judgment and order of that court is based are void and shall be deemed
always to have been void.
662. Shri Shanti Bhushan has as it were a preliminary objection to the
39th Amendment that the election of a private individual and the dispute
concerning it cannot ever be a matter of Constitutional amendment. Whether
this contention is sound is another matter but I do not see the force of the
argument of the Attorney-General that in view of the decisions in Sankari
Prasad's case. Sajjan Singh's case and the Fundamental Rights case the
contention is not upon to be taken. The question raised by Shri Shanti
Bhushan was not raised or considered in either of the three aforesaid cases
and I do not see how the question can be shelved. The argument is not a new
facet of the theory of inherent of implied limitations on the amending power
in which case it might have been plausible to contend that the last word was
said on the subject by the Full Court in the Fundamental Rights case. The
question now raised touches a totally new dimension of the amending power :
Can the Constituent Assembly while amending the Constitution pronounce
upon private disputes or must it only concern itself with what may be termed
organisational matters concerning the country's governance? The question
has the merit of novelty but I see no substance in it. But I must clarify that I
prefer to examine the point in isolation that is divocered from considerations
arising from the theory of separation of powers. Whether the amendment
constitutes an encroachment on judicial functions and thereby damages one
of the basic structures of the Constitutions may best be examined separately.
The reason why I see no substance in Shri Shanti Bhushan's contention is
that what the Constitution ought to contain is not for the Courts to decide.
The touchstone of the validity of a Constitutional amendment is firstly
whetter the procedure prescribed by Article 368 is strictly complied with and
secondly whether the amendment destroys or damages the basic structure of
the Constitution. The subject-matter of constitutional amendments is a
question of high policy and Courts are concerned with the interpretation of
laws, not with the wisdom of the policy underlying them. I do not see why the
Constitution cannot be amended so as to provide that wagering contracts
shall be void or that bigamous marriages shall be unlawful or that economic
offenders shall be visited with a higher penalty. The Indian Constitution is
not like the American Constitution an instrument of few words. The range of
topics it covers would bemuse any student of foreign Constitutions which do
not even skirt the problems with which our Constitution deals in copious
details. In fact there is hardly any important facet of national life which our
Constitution does not touch. Along with matters of high priority like
citizenship, Fundamental Rights, Directive Principles of State Policy and the
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