29 advertisement or communication refers to a state candidate as well as a federal candidate, the non-profit must pay for it with a percentage of its hard-money account as determined by time and space allocation. See id. § 106.6(f)(3). Here again, the problem is that non-profits are constitutionally entitled to pay 100% of the costs of their advertisements and other communications out of a soft-money account. See MCFL, 479 U.S. at 251; NCPAC, 470 U.S. at 501; Citizens Against Rent Control, 454 U.S. at 299; Cal-Med, 453 U.S. at 203 (opinion of Blackmun, J.); Buckley, 424 U.S. at 45-48. Fifth, the regulations create a new regime for solicitations indicating that donated funds will be used to support or oppose the election of a clearly identified federal candidate. 11 C.F.R. § 100.57. The regulations require that donations in response to such solicitations be treated as 100% hard money. Id. § 100.57(a)-(b)(1). This means that donations in response to such solicitations are subject to a $5000 cap. If a solicitation also refers to a state or local candidate, at least 50% of the responsive donations must go to the hard-money account. Id. § 100.57(b)(2). This provision is badly flawed. Non-profits are entitled to raise money for their soft-money accounts to help support their preferred candidates, yet this regulation prohibits non-profits from saying as much in their solicitations. “Such notions run afoul of the fundamental rule of protection under the First Amendment, that a speaker has the autonomy to choose the content of his own message.” WRTL, 551 U.S. at 477 n.9 (internal quotation marks omitted); Davis, 128 S. Ct. at 2771 (provision that requires choice between “unfettered political speech” and “discriminatory fundraising limitations” violates First Amendment).

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