Cite as: 608 U. S. ____ (2026) 27 Opinion of the Court registration and turnout had largely disappeared, with minorities registering and voting at levels that sometimes surpassed the majority. Id., at 547–548. Black voters now participate in elections at similar rates as the rest of the electorate, even turning out at higher rates than white voters in two of the five most recent Presidential elections nationwide and in Louisiana. See Supp. Brief for United States as Amicus Curiae 13 (citing Dept. of Commerce, Census Bureau, Voting and Registration Tables (Election of Nov. 2024) (Apr. 2025)). Second, a full-blown two-party system has emerged in the States where §2 suits are most common. Gingles arose in the context of a one-party system in which black and white voters had starkly different voting patterns despite their affiliation within the same party. 478 U. S., at 59. In the area involved in Gingles, an overwhelming majority of white voters did not vote for any black candidate in the Democratic party primary elections, which for all practical purposes selected the candidates who would ultimately obtain office. Ibid. And in general elections, white voters in heavily Democratic areas often ranked black candidates last among Democrats. Ibid. Such intra-party disparities showed that black voters had less opportunity to elect their preferred candidate because of their race, not because of their partisan affiliation. When the vast majority of voters, regardless of race, favors the same political party, a map that is disadvantageous for members of one racial group cannot be explained on the ground that it was drawn to favor a particular political party. But in a State where both parties have substantial support and where race is often correlated with party preference, a litigant can easily exploit §2 for partisan purposes by “repackag[ing] a partisan-gerrymandering claim as a racial-gerrymandering claim.” Alexander, 602 U. S., at 21.